Mansur Yavaş’s statement, “Let’s close Silivri and make a fresh start,” has once again brought Turkey’s 20-year-long justice crisis and human rights violations in prisons to the forefront. This remark is not merely about shutting down a prison; it signifies the end of a regime that has become a symbol of lawlessness. However, a crucial question arises:
How did Turkey reach this point? And who, by remaining silent and dismissing it as “someone else’s problem,” paved the way for this oppression to grow?
Silivri: Not Just a Prison, But a Regime Metaphor
Silivri Prison has become one of the most feared names in Turkey for political prisoners, dissidents, and those demanding justice. Over the last decade, most of those sent there have been convicted through unlawful trials, fabricated evidence, or simply because of their political beliefs. In a place where justice should prevail, a culture of revenge has taken over.
In the early 2010s, Silivri became symbolic with the Ergenekon and Balyoz trials. After the failed coup attempt of July 15, 2016, it completely transformed into a concentration camp for dissidents and opposition figures. Journalists, academics, lawyers, students, women’s rights activists, Kurdish politicians, members of the Gülen Movement, leftists, right-wingers, religious individuals, secularists… In short, anyone who deviated from the government’s narrative found themselves facing the cold walls of Silivri.
However, Silivri is just the tip of the iceberg. Turkey’s prisons hold approximately 350,000 inmates, far exceeding their capacity. Reports have documented torture, ill-treatment, strip searches, arbitrary disciplinary punishments, and illegal practices against detainees. Yet, there has never been a sufficiently strong political or social reaction against these injustices.
Where Did the Opposition Go Wrong?
Ekrem İmamoğlu’s prosecution and Mansur Yavaş’s bold stance on Silivri reveal a long-overdue truth: The opposition has been too slow to act. While thousands of innocent people have been unjustly imprisoned, there has been no significant solidarity among opposition forces. People remained indifferent as long as they were not personally affected by the oppression.
Following 2016, hundreds of thousands of people were purged under emergency decrees (KHKs), journalists were imprisoned without cause, politicians were tortured, and many were forcibly disappeared. Yet, these injustices were only protested within small circles. Those who turned a blind eye, thinking it was “not their problem,” are now confronting the same lawlessness themselves.
Had there been strong, united resistance against these injustices in 2016, 2017, and 2018, figures like Akın Gürlek would not have been able to continue using the judiciary as a weapon today.
Akın Gürlek is not just a person; he is a symbol of an entire system. Figures like him, who have politicized the judiciary, can only be neutralized through strong opposition and public solidarity. But until now, every injustice was perceived as an isolated incident. Today, there is an outcry against İmamoğlu’s prosecution—yet, where was this reaction when Ahmet Altan, Osman Kavala, Selahattin Demirtaş, or KHK victims were unjustly jailed?
Real Normalization Requires a Strong Reckoning
Mansur Yavaş’s call to close Silivri is symbolic of closing a dark chapter. However, true normalization will not happen just by shutting down a prison. It requires:
- Reversing unjust trials,
- Releasing political prisoners,
- Restoring judicial independence.
The opposition must finally acknowledge this truth: If you stand for justice, you must stand for it universally, not selectively. You must fight for the rights of everyone who faces injustice, not just your allies. Because today’s injustice against someone else will inevitably return to you tomorrow.
As Ekrem İmamoğlu aptly put it, “This wasteful and exploitative regime is not just stealing justice; it is stealing workers’ livelihoods and the youth’s future.” For Turkey to truly become a free country, injustice and lawlessness must be systematically eradicated.
Silivri’s closure can only become a reality through strong democracy and a true commitment to justice. This time, it must be a closure that ensures it never returns.
A Proposal from a Victim of This System
Dr. Cemil Çelik, a dismissed military judge under the KHK purge, made an intriguing suggestion on his X (Twitter) account:
“Close down Silivri and Sincan prisons. But turn some of the cells into a museum. Let’s visit from time to time and remember what happened.”
January 31, 2025.
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Sources & Related News:
1. IHD Report: Increasing Torture and Ill-Treatment in Prisons
Human Rights Association (IHD)
2. UN Report: Human Rights Violations in Turkey’s Prisons UN Human Rights Office
3. Claims of Torture Against Detainees in Silivri Amnesty International Turkey
4. Report on Judicial Independence & Politicization in Turkey Freedom House
5. Ekrem İmamoğlu’s Testimony and His Fight for Justice BBC Turkish
6. Mansur Yavaş: “Let’s Close Silivri, Make a Fresh Start” (Tr724 – January 31, 2025) Tr724
7. İmamoğlu: “The Real Threat Comes From Those Who Say ‘The Big Stick is in the Sack’” (Tr724 – January 31, 2025) Tr724
8. İmamoğlu: “We Have Nothing to Hide; The Ballot Box Will Come, and This Government Will Go” (Tr724 – January 31, 2025) Tr724
