I have obtained an important document which is going to refute the official thesis of July 15th. This document is an official trial record which is included in the court file of the Akinci case. The page is signed on the bottom by Serdar Coskun, a Prosecutor of Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office Anti-Constitutional Crimes. The date of the document, which had been prepared in order to provide basis for the first investigation and sent to the relevant places, is 16 July 2016. And the hour is 01:00. In other words, 3 hours after the coup attempt had started. However, the events, which had not taken place yet, are written as if they actually had happened. For example; the bombing of TBMM (Grand National Assembly of Turkey), and the Presidency Complex… Furthermore, the events which never happened on that night were also written on the report as if they had actually taken place. Blockading of the MIT (National Intelligence Organization) by the soldiers, and the bombing of the Special Forces Command, and the Police Intelligence Bureau… And the timing of the events that actually happened are all wrong. This scandalous document begs the following questions: “Was the report prepared according to a simulation which was prepared beforehand?” And it is filled with scandals that might actually bring up this question: “Was the report really prepared by the prosecutor?”
First, let’s see what is written on the document word by word:
“It is hereby concluded that the investigation shall be started due to the following incidents: Mobility was observed at around 9pm on 15.07.2016 in several military units; television channels started broadcasting news about gendarmerie forces denying access both to Bosporus Bridge and Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge; a group of troops provided information that they had attempted to stage a coup outside the chain of command according to the information received from the police in Ankara; following this news the fighter jets and helicopters started to fire at public buildings; troops surrounded the buildings of the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) in Yenimahalle, Ankara; the personnel of MIT and the soldiers who surrounded the buildings engaged in combat; likewise, the armored units surrounded the critical public institutions in Ankara with arms, workers in the public institutions were targeted, fired upon, and casualties happened; Special Forces Command in Golbasi was bombed, Police Intelligence Bureau was targeted with an airstrike; Ankara Police Headquarters were surrounded and breached by the armored units; jet fighters made low altitude flights and carried out bombings; Presidential Complex was surrounded; some of the personnel including the Secretary General of Presidency were taken hostage and taken away; the troops which had seized TRT (Turkish Radio and Television Association) stopped the broadcast and announced that TSK (Turkish Armed Forces) had seized control of the country; likewise, other private television channels were also seized by troops; a shoot-out had occurred in the General Staff, some of the military personnel was taken hostages; TBMM was bombed, casualties happened due to these bombings, and fighter jets had participated in these bombings; the people poured out to the streets after news spread that a junta within the TSK was staging a coup; civil initiative tried to prevent the coup; fighter jets fired blast bombs targeting the people where they gathered in order to discourage them; a press release was published on the website of General Staff, and the 3-page list of reasons for the coup was released to the public; all ministries received a message form published and signed by “Chief of Yurtta Sulh Konseyi” (Peace at Home Council) with document number YSK: 26702250-1920-97480-16/PER.PL.VE YNT.D.GEN. AMIRAL/1 dated secret 152215C JUL 16, and with priority “flash message”; the message in question was signed by Staff Colonel Cemil Turhan and Brigadier General Mehmet Partigoc; a martial law commander was appointed for every city; furthermore, assignments were made to the military commissions (Military Prosecutor and Judges); likewise, further appointments were done for different service commands, Chief of Staff, and other military offices; the individuals who tried to stage the coup published all of these appointments to various military offices to the public; the total number of people killed were not certain during the bombings and the coup attempt, but it came out that many civilians, police officers, and soldiers were killed during these incidents; similarly, fighter jets and helicopters carried out same activities in Istanbul and other cities; the staffs of Fethullah Gulen organized in the military units throughout Turkey attempted to overthrow the government and seize power, thus it was discovered that they attempted a coup which is against the Constitution. 16/07/2016 Time: 01:00
TIME COMPLETELY WRONG
Let’s go one by one.
The news about “gendarmerie forces denying access both to Bosporus Bridge and Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge” was not published at around 9pm, but was only available on television at 10:28pm according to the Akinci indictment. There is a 1.5 hour deviation in this report.
Likewise, it was stated that the F-16s had started flying over Ankara at around 9pm. However, the exact time of the first fighter jet taking off is written on the Akinci indictment as 10:08pm. Mehmet Sanver, then Chief of Combatant Air Staff, who inspected the conduct book very carefully, stated in his book “15 Temmuz – Kartal Yuvasının Istilasi” (15 July – Invasion of the Eagle’s Nest) that the first take off had happened at 22:01. And according to this information, Prosecutor Serdar Coskun was mistaken by more than one hour.
There are no movements anywhere at 9 pm.
The small incidents in Beylerbeyi starts only at 9:30 pm.
And one side of the bridge was closed at around 10 pm.
It was also stated in the report that “troops surrounded the buildings of the National Intelligence Organisation (MIT) in Yenimahalle, Ankara, and also “the personnel of MIT and the soldiers who surrounded the buildings engaged in combat”. However, the MIT building was never surrounded by military units during that night. Therefore, there were no engaging in combat neither. Fires were shot from 1 Sikorsky and 2 Cobra helicopters targeting the campus of MIT. According to MIT’s 36-page report forwarded to TBMM, light weapons were fired as a response to the shootings.
However, it was not a “engaged in combat” type of conflict like it was stated in the report.
Furthermore, Special Forces Bureau was never bombed like it was stated in the report. The building of Police Special Operation was bombed. Police Intelligence Bureau was not bombed neither. Ankara Police Headquarters were hit by an airstrike, yes, but this is already stated in the report. In other words, the possibility of mistakenly writing Intelligence Bureau instead Ankara Headquarters. By the way, Ankara Police Headquarters was not surrounded by armored units. There were no military units breaching through land. The exact time of the bomb is 00:56, when two people were killed and 39 were injured. Meaning, just four minutes before the report was actually being written. It is not possible for the prosecutor to find this out and just add it in the report in the meantime.
WROTE “BOMBED” 1.5 HOUR BEFORE THE PARLIAMENT WAS ACTUALLY BOMBED
About TMBB… While this report was being written, there were 1.5 hours for the bomb to be fired at TBMM. However, the prosecutor wrote this on the report as if it had taken place. The Akinci indictment and the logs of the conduct book revealed by Mehmet Saiver matches at this point. According to both, the first bombing took place at 02:35am. Second bomb was fired at 03:24am. The foresight of Prosecutor Serdar Coskun is mind-blowing. But there is one thing missing in the foresight. And that is the fact that nobody had been killed in the Parliament. The report says that there were casualties due to the attacks targeting TBMM.
The official report says that some of the private television channels were surrounded by military units. For some reason, there are no names. That night, only Dogan Media Centre was raided, which is home to CNN Turk, Hurriyet and Kanal D. But, what time? According to the bill of indictment about this incident, the time was 03:10am. Meaning, 2 hours after the prosecutor writes the report. And there are no relations between the incident and the things he actually wrote. Because the building was not raided by armored units, but a bunch of soldiers which had arrived by helicopters. I am not underestimating or simplifying this. All in all, there is a very big threat since armed soldiers had arrived in the night of the coup. The point I am trying to make here is the fact that the report prepared by the prosecutor does not overlap with reality. According to the bill of indictment, a total of 14 individuals, 3 captains and 11 privates participated in the raid. Afterwards, at around 04:00am, 17 cadets arrive under the command of Major Mehmet Turk. The total number of people on trial because of this raid is 19 anyway.
Finally, let’s have a look at the part about the Presidential Complex. Presidential Complex was not surrounded as it is stated on the report. Do you know how many soldiers were “sent to take over” The Palace? Only 13. 3 of them are high-ranking, and the remaining 10 of them are privates.
Complex was not bombed neither. For some reason, the interchange and the parking lot on the side were bombed. According to the Akinci indictment, the time was 06:19 am. Meaning, 5.5 hours after Coskun’s report.
Another wrong information in the single-page report was the blast bombs fired from the fighter jets. No blast bombs were used that night. The sonic boom due to high speed and low altitude flight was mistaken for a blast bomb.
Another mistake was the information about the plotter’s appointments to the Chief of Staff, and service commands, and that they published these appointments to the public. This did not happen neither.,
Furthermore, the prosecutor announcing the “perpetrator” as Fethullah Gulen around that time is another question mark. The politicians might state their opinions in this direction, but a prosecutor to write a report without any evidences shows that he just wrote a political text instead of a judicial one.
WHAT DOES THE DOCUMENT MEAN?
First detentions were made after starting a speedy investigation subsequently to this document, which was added to UYAP (National Judiciary Informatics System).
It is not normal for a single-page report to have so many mistakes. There is no logic anywhere on the report. Nearly every sentence, and every single information are wrong. The prosecutor and the July 15th spokespersons must explain this.
There must be an explanation for such a report about such an important incident to be full of mistakes from beginning to the end.
Furthermore, the incidents and deaths which never happened raises the following question: “Were there different plans, and maybe they were never put into practice?”
Let’s say the excitement of the night cause the prosecutor to confuse the times. He wrote Special Operation instead Special Forces. He got confused and wrote Ankara Intelligence Bureau instead Ankara Police Headquarters. But what about the incidents which never took place? And the other incidents which had not even happened at the time?
Alright, let’s say that he inadvertently wrote the time wrong on the report. Although the possibilities of writing that information wrong is very very unlikely. Because, as the name implies, it is an official report. The most important things about an official report are the date and time of record, and the signature. An official report is written in order to record all of the available information together with the facts.
I do not claim that this document will resolve everything singlehandedly. It is not possible to build the reality through this document. I also accept this. However, it is obvious that it tells a lot. This document corresponds to a place considering what happened before and after July 15th. It completes something. We can state the following by observing the attitude of the President, Head of MIT, and other high-ranking state officials that night, their contradicting statements, the way they avoid justice and not providing any testimonies, the events took place after the signing of that document, purges, and observing where Turkey has arrived in terms of politics: Most of the events taken place that night were already known by the state. That is why it was a controlled coup.
But how was it known? There are two possibilities:
1- The plan was made by The Palace, MIT, Hulusi Akar, and the extensions of Ergenekon. They put their plans into practice thanks to their men in Gulen Movement. While some of them actually had thought that a real coup was being staged, they were actually the walker-ons of a fiction. They were trapped inside an unbelievable conspiracy.
2- The plan was made by somebody like Adil Oksuz, but the information was being provided to the “top”, meaning The Palace. “The top” was receiving information about the plan instantly, and furthermore, it was redirecting it. They took all the precautions, and said “Let them come”, and turned a blind eye for the plan to be put into practice.
Both possibilities provide the fact that the state was inexcusably the perpetrator. The President, intelligence organization, Chief of Staff, and some of the commanders-in-chief form a “state” organization. However, this is not the Republic of Turkey, which is a democratic, secular, and social state of law. And it has never been a state as such. Those principles were always on paper. That “state”, which very well knows injustice, conspiring, slaughtering, tyrannizing, plotting against a group of people it selects periodically, criminalizing, and antagonizing, took the stage once again.
The prosecutor Serdar Coskun admitted the accuracy of the document yesterday.
Ahmet Donmez is a leading Turkish investigative journalist in exile.