Retired Rear Admiral Mustafa Uğurlu has claimed that the network commonly known as “Ergenekon” evolved into an organized power structure extending far beyond the military bureaucracy and into the Turkish state’s key institutions. Speaking on the Alesta YouTube channel, Uğurlu shared what he described as first-hand observations from nearly four decades of military service, offering a series of striking allegations regarding the Ergenekon and Balyoz trials, the July 15 coup attempt and its aftermath.
Having lived outside Turkey since the events of July 15, 2016, Uğurlu used the lengthy interview to describe what he believes was a long-standing clandestine organization operating within the Turkish Armed Forces.
At the center of his account was what he described as an organization embedded within the state itself.
According to Uğurlu, this was not merely a group that emerged during a particular period but rather an organized structure that had existed under different names throughout the history of the Turkish Republic while maintaining influence over strategic state institutions.
“Their objective was not political power but control of the state”
Uğurlu argued that the organization’s primary objective was to maintain control over the state’s decision-making mechanisms regardless of which political party held power through elections.
According to him, the group was largely indifferent to changes in government, focusing instead on controlling the military bureaucracy, security institutions, the judiciary and other critical state positions in order to preserve lasting influence over the country.
He described this mentality as seeking to become “the state’s ultimate arbiter,” claiming that the organization viewed itself as being above both the law and the public.
“They adapted themselves to every political climate”
One of the issues Uğurlu emphasized was what he described as the group’s ideological flexibility.
He argued that the organization had justified its activities during the Cold War by presenting itself as a bulwark against communism, later embraced an ultranationalist orientation and today appears to favor geopolitical positions aligned with Russia and China.
For this reason, he said, the organization cannot be defined by a single political ideology or party.
“They are like an octopus,” Uğurlu said. “Whichever rock they cling to, they take on its color.”
“Military schools were systematically infiltrated”
Among Uğurlu’s most notable allegations were claims concerning recruitment into Turkey’s military academies.
He alleged that individuals affiliated with the organization traveled throughout Turkey, meeting with teachers and families in search of academically successful students, particularly those from financially disadvantaged backgrounds.
According to Uğurlu, families were persuaded to entrust their children to the organization, after which the students were placed in what he described as “safe houses,” prepared for entrance examinations and eventually admitted to military schools.
He claimed this system enabled the organization to build influence within the Turkish Armed Forces over many years.
“Critical personnel departments were under their control”
The retired admiral also claimed that personnel appointments constituted one of the organization’s strongest areas of influence.
According to his account, promising officers were deliberately assigned to passive or career-limiting positions, while individuals allegedly affiliated with the organization were promoted to key headquarters and advancement posts.
He specifically alleged that personnel appointment mechanisms within the Turkish Naval Forces played a decisive role in this process.
“There were innocent people in the Balyoz trials”
Uğurlu made an important distinction when discussing the Balyoz and Ergenekon prosecutions.
He said he does not believe that everyone convicted in those cases was guilty, arguing that the political atmosphere of the time resulted in innocent people being caught up alongside those allegedly responsible.
Nevertheless, he maintained that a genuine clandestine organization did exist.
To support this assessment, he referred to the memoirs of Ahmet Bedevi Kuran, Can Dündar’s book Ergenekon, and the writings of Erol Mütercimler.
“They regained influence after July 15”
One of Uğurlu’s most striking claims concerned developments following the failed coup attempt of July 15, 2016.
According to him, individuals prosecuted in the Balyoz and Ergenekon cases later returned to influential positions within the Turkish state.
He pointed in particular to retired generals and admirals who later appeared alongside Doğu Perinçek’s political movement, arguing that this revealed the organization’s true identity.
In his view, the group not only secured its own release but also became one of the principal actors shaping Turkey’s post-July 15 state structure.
“They played a role in preparations for July 15”
Uğurlu reserved his strongest allegations for the events surrounding the attempted coup.
He argued that after being released from prison, members of the organization worked together with Turkey’s National Intelligence Organization (MIT), carried out profiling activities and actively participated in preparations leading up to the events of July 15.
According to his account, meetings were held in Ankara hotels, responsibilities were assigned and preparations were made for evidence later used in post-coup investigations.
Uğurlu stressed that these were his own assessments and said that only comprehensive and independent judicial investigations could fully establish the facts.
“International reports point to Turkey’s deteriorating rule of law”
In the latter part of the interview, Uğurlu referred to reports issued by the European Court of Human Rights and United Nations human rights mechanisms.
He argued that these findings indicate the legal proceedings conducted after July 15 have been widely viewed by international legal institutions as politically motivated.
He specifically cited the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention’s opinion concerning former Air Force Commander Akın Öztürk, arguing that it illustrates broader problems within Turkey’s judicial system.
He cited three books in support of his claims
Uğurlu said his conclusions were based not only on his personal observations but also on publicly available historical sources.
He described the biography of military officer Ahmet Bedevi Kuran as “eye-opening,” arguing that it provides important insights into the origins, methods and motivations of the alleged organization. He recommended the book to readers who remain skeptical about the Balyoz and Ergenekon cases, adding that he believes it was published by İş Bankası Cultural Publications.
He also referred to journalist Can Dündar’s book Ergenekon, describing it as a work based on extensive interviews with politicians and witnesses rather than desk research alone. According to Uğurlu, the book documents how clandestine networks sought to exercise influence independently of elected governments.
As a third source, Uğurlu cited the work of Erol Mütercimler, arguing that Mütercimler had made similar observations years earlier and that Dündar drew upon his research both in his book and documentary. In Uğurlu’s view, these three works together offer valuable insight into the historical evolution of the alleged organization and its influence within state institutions.
“There was a systematic effort to block my promotion”
One of the interview’s most personal sections concerned Uğurlu’s own military career.
He recounted serving as a commodore in 2010-2011 under then-Rear Admiral Cem Çakmak, whom he described as outwardly expressing complete confidence in him while assigning him the most demanding operational missions.
Looking back, however, Uğurlu said he came to believe these assignments had served a different purpose.
According to his account, Çakmak assigned him the most complex exercises, multinational naval operations and high-risk missions, while another commodore remained in headquarters performing largely administrative duties.
At the time, Uğurlu interpreted this as a sign of professional confidence. Years later, however, he concluded that placing him in exceptionally risky assignments may have been intended to create circumstances in which a single failure could end his career.
“He spoke against my promotion before the promotion board”
According to Uğurlu, the turning point came during the Turkish Naval Forces’ promotion review meeting, commonly referred to as the “Mini Military Council.”
He alleged that although Cem Çakmak consistently praised his performance in private, he argued before the assembled admirals that Uğurlu should not be promoted.
According to Uğurlu, Çakmak stated: “If I were in your position, I would definitely not promote Mustafa. I did not entrust him with any important assignments this year because I lacked confidence in him. He cannot even command a ship.”
Uğurlu rejected these claims, saying they were completely inconsistent with reality, as he had in fact been responsible for nearly all of the year’s most critical operations and had successfully completed them.
He added that several senior admirals challenged Çakmak’s assessment during the meeting, pointing to his service record, professional achievements and previous evaluations.
Ultimately, Uğurlu said, both the Naval Forces Commander and the Fleet Commander rejected the negative assessment, and he was promoted to rear admiral as the top-ranked officer in that year’s promotion list.
“They expected me to fail”
Uğurlu said he does not regard these events as a personal dispute but rather as evidence of a broader system of institutional favoritism.
According to him, assigning him repeatedly to high-risk operations was intended to create an opportunity for failure that would derail his career. When those operations proved successful, he alleged, efforts shifted toward undermining his promotion through negative evaluations.
Reflecting on the experience years later, Uğurlu described it as one of the key episodes that helped him understand what he believes was an organized struggle for power within the Turkish Navy.
“For years,” he concluded, “we were swimming in the same pool as sharks without even realizing it.”
Who is Mustafa Uğurlu?
Retired Rear Admiral Mustafa Uğurlu entered the Turkish Naval Academy in 1982 and graduated in 1986. During his military career, he served in a variety of positions, including electronics officer, operations officer and numerous headquarters assignments. After graduating from the Naval War College, he served at the Turkish General Staff’s Planning and Policy Department, held several NATO assignments and commanded both frigates and major naval formations.
Promoted to rear admiral in 2011, Uğurlu later served as Chief of Personnel at Turkish Naval Forces Headquarters before commanding the Amphibious Task Group.
His final assignment was at NATO’s Allied Command Transformation (ACT) in Norfolk, Virginia, where he served as a flag officer representing the Turkish Armed Forces.
Stationed in the United States at the time of the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016, Uğurlu did not return to Turkey. He was subsequently dismissed from the military as part of post-coup investigations. Since then, he has lived abroad and regularly comments on the Turkish Armed Forces, the events of July 15, the Balyoz and Ergenekon cases and broader issues concerning democracy and the rule of law in Turkey.
