NECIP F. BAHADIR
He took the stand before the court and began his statement: “I’m telling this for the first time.” It was clear that what he was about to reveal was a secret. Ten years have passed, yet Turkey’s July 15, 2016 coup attempt remains shrouded in “great and deep mysteries.” Only fragments have been illuminated. Every new revelation, therefore, strikes a blow against the darkness surrounding modern Turkey’s most consequential night.
The story once again came from veteran court reporter Müyesser Yıldız, one of Turkey’s few journalists still covering sensitive trials. The report drew little public or media attention—unsurprising, since President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government does not want July 15 to be discussed or questioned. But inevitably, the truth will emerge. One day, everything about Turkey’s July 15 will be exposed.
The Coup That Built a Regime
July 15 was not a simple uprising or failed military coup. It was one of the greatest turning points in the history of the Turkish Republic. Erdoğan’s “one-man rule” was built under the extraordinary conditions that July 15 created—it could never have been achieved under normal circumstances. The grotesque, undefined system that emerged afterward was the direct product of that night. Erdoğan has been feeding off July 15 for ten years; hence, his fierce resistance to any serious investigation.
For the first time in its parliamentary history, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey failed to publish a final report on a national tragedy. Could there be a clearer sign of the regime’s intent to conceal the truth?
The Parliamentary Investigation Commission on the July 15 Coup Attempt worked for months, calling numerous witnesses. Some refused to appear—among them then–Chief of the General Staff General Hulusi Akar, then–National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Director Hakan Fidan, and Erdoğan’s now-famous brother-in-law Ziya İlgen. Why? Because they feared the questions. They could have contradicted themselves or exposed the hidden realities of July 15.
General Hulusi Akar cited “workload” as an excuse—he couldn’t spare even a few hours. It’s not hard to imagine how much Erdoğan was disturbed by the commission’s discussions. In fact, a report was written and even included dissenting opinions. It was delivered to then–Speaker of Parliament İsmail Kahraman—and then vanished. The commission’s chair, former AKP deputy Reşat Petek, paid a heavy price; he was dismissed.
A Soldier Breaks His Silence
Wouldn’t anyone be curious about what General Akar’s senior advisor, Colonel Orhan Yıkılkan, said when he began his statement with “I’m telling this for the first time”? Could his words be insignificant?
Speaking during the retrial of the General Staff Headquarters Case after a Supreme Court reversal, Yıkılkan said:
“Time is the greatest interpreter. In my childhood, the May 27 coup was celebrated as a holiday—but today it’s universally condemned. I believe we’re living through a similar process. Today, July 15 is celebrated as a holiday, but in time, it will be understood that it was not so.”
How will that understanding come? Through the unveiling of secrets—through the full illumination of July 15. Through the testimonies of those who were involved or witnessed what happened. Through breaking the “spiral of silence.” Through answers from key figures like General Akar and Intelligence Chief Fidan.
The Two Critical Figures: Akar and Fidan
Why did Yıkılkan wait so long to speak? Couldn’t he have talked earlier? We don’t know what he went through or what psychological pressures he faced. Was he tortured? Possibly.
Both the May 27, 1960 coup and the September 12, 1980 military takeover were later discredited—but it took time. They didn’t drag on for decades like July 15. Public questioning began a few years later. In the 1961 elections, the Turkish people gave their first response to the May 27 coup by supporting the Justice Party (AP) and New Turkey Party (YTP)—continuations of the banned Democrat Party. Even with all the cleansing operations and advantages, İsmet İnönü’s Republican People’s Party (CHP) could not rule alone.
The same happened after September 12. In the 1983 elections, despite the junta’s restrictions, Turgut Özal’s Motherland Party (ANAP) swept the votes. But July 15 is different from both—its political climate has lasted far longer, and Turkey remains trapped in it. Conditions never normalized.
Even AKP’s own founding member Şamil Tayyar once said:
“If July 15 is truly illuminated, we’ll see that those we now call heroes were actually traitors—and those we call traitors were the real heroes.”
What Really Happened That Night in Turkey?
What did Colonel Yıkılkan reveal under the phrase “for the first time”? What secret did he disclose? Let’s read:
“When General Staff Private Secretary Colonel Ramazan Gözel told me that Akar was calling for me, I went up to the command floor and saw that he hadn’t been detained—on the contrary, his chain of command was still intact. Major General Mehmet Dişli, Colonel Levent Türkkan, Major Abdullah Bozkurt, and Colonel Serdar Tekin were taking orders from him and following them. One of his orders concerned Brigadier General Gökhan Şahin Sönmezateş, with whom he had a special relationship. If the phone records exist, they should be obtained. He told the team assigned to capture the president that the hotel’s security detail was prepared and that they should act cautiously.”
So, did Erdoğan, Akar, and Fidan prevent testimony about July 15 from being heard—true or not? Will General Akar ignore these allegations too? They’re in official court records now, reflected in the Turkish press. Once spoken, they cannot be undone.
The claim that “Akar was not detained” is crucial—so is the claim that he “spoke with Sönmezateş by phone.” Can such allegations simply be dismissed? The media may not have amplified them, but they’ve been recorded in history—for future use. Silence implies consent, and Akar surely knows that silence fuels the belief that these accusations are true. What role did he play in Turkey’s July 15 drama? Why doesn’t he speak out?
Perhaps he, too, was deceived? Who knows?
“Let Him Come and Deny It”
Yıkılkan challenged directly:
“Someone who refused the offer to lead the coup wouldn’t have given such a warning to the team. Let him come here and say, ‘I didn’t say that.’”
Yet Akar never appeared—neither before Parliament nor in court. Many demanded he testify at least as a witness, since he was at the center of everything. Can a final judgment about July 15 be made without hearing from General Akar? No court summoned him, and he himself stayed away. Was he told to remain silent? Possible.
Then Yıkılkan asked:
“So why did he go to Akıncı Air Base?”
His answer was striking:
“Someone falsely told him that ‘the President and the Intelligence Chief have been captured; it’s over.’ Upon hearing this, Akar decided to go to Akıncı. His intent was to coordinate a peaceful transition by contacting the President. He planned to involve İsmail Kahraman, Ahmet Davutoğlu, Abdullah Gül, and Hakan Fidan. He brought Mehmet Dişli along to facilitate those political talks. Dişli kept calling me to get their phone numbers, as did Ramazan Gözel and Levent Türkkan. When Akar learned the President wasn’t there, he simply waited for confirmation of his capture.”
Could all this be true? Was Yıkılkan telling the truth? Was he trying to save himself? I doubt it. It feels like the secrets of Turkey’s July 15 are starting to spill out—more will follow.
As the oppressive political climate around July 15 fades, more people will begin their statements with “I’m telling this for the first time.” But without Hulusi Akar, July 15 can never be fully understood. All roads lead to him. He must break his silence and speak—or be buried beneath these allegations.
Time has stopped; Turkey remains stuck on July 15. The nation has sunk into darkness, a new period of political interregnum. But this won’t last forever—the tide will turn. One day, the country will awaken to the morning of July 16. Turkey cannot move forward without confronting July 15. That’s why revelations like Yıkılkan’s are of historic importance.
