Necip F. Bahadir
Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu is facing an intense legal and political assault.
Why?
Because he is the strongest contender in the upcoming presidential election. He is the one President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan fears the most. İmamoğlu has repeatedly defeated Erdoğan’s party in Istanbul, a city Erdoğan once considered his stronghold. Counting the May elections, Erdoğan has lost to İmamoğlu four times in Istanbul. Today, when people think of the city, they think of İmamoğlu—not Erdoğan.
For Erdoğan, losing Istanbul was heartbreaking. Once his great political love, the city has become a one-sided, unreciprocated obsession.
Realizing that he cannot beat İmamoğlu at the ballot box, Erdoğan is trying to eliminate him through the courts. There isn’t just one case against him—new investigations seem to pop up every day. He is under such intense scrutiny that legal action is sometimes announced even before he finishes his speeches.
This level of judicial interference in politics is unprecedented. The courts have been used to shape politics before, but never this recklessly.
Erdoğan’s Past Mirrors İmamoğlu’s Present
Ironically, Erdoğan himself was once a victim of judicial interference. In the late 1990s, he was banned from politics and even jailed for reciting a poem at a rally. Everyone knew the charges were politically motivated. The establishment in Ankara viewed Erdoğan as a political threat and used the courts to block his rise.
However, the political system couldn’t sustain this injustice. Thanks to a parliamentary reform led by opposition leader Deniz Baykal, Erdoğan’s ban was lifted, and he went on to become prime minister.
Now, the same Erdoğan is using the judiciary to block his own political rival. But unlike a strategist using careful political maneuvers, Erdoğan is acting like a demolition worker—bluntly and recklessly.
What kind of mindset leads someone to repeat the very injustice they once suffered? Justifying it as a way to hold onto power doesn’t fully explain the psychology behind it. This isn’t just political desperation—it suggests something deeper, possibly even psychological.
The Diploma Controversy
During Erdoğan’s own presidential campaign, his college diploma was a major controversy. Critics claimed he never graduated from a four-year university, a requirement to run for president in Turkey. No one could find former classmates from his supposed university years. The state, under Erdoğan’s control, declared that his degree was valid—but many in the public remained skeptical.
Now, Erdoğan’s government is using the same diploma controversy against İmamoğlu.
As İmamoğlu prepares to enter the presidential primaries, the government has suddenly begun questioning his diploma. Five years ago, a similar claim was raised, but it was quickly dismissed. Now, as his candidacy becomes more serious, the issue has resurfaced.
The accusation? That İmamoğlu’s college transfer from a private university in Cyprus to Istanbul University in the early 1990s was “irregular.” The government now claims that his degree might be invalid.
Why Does a Diploma Matter So Much?
Because in Turkey, a four-year college degree is required to run for president.
This rule has blocked candidates before. For example, former Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit, one of Turkey’s most respected politicians, never considered running for president because he only had a high school diploma.
So, does Erdoğan have a real four-year degree? Many still say no, pointing to suspicious documents.
Does İmamoğlu have a diploma? Yes, he does. But the government argues that his transfer process was improper.
Fear of Losing Power Has Blinded Erdoğan
İmamoğlu’s diploma dates back to 1994—more than 30 years ago. Normally, such an issue would be considered ancient history, well past any statute of limitations. But not for İmamoğlu.
Pro-government media has even begun questioning his date of birth, wondering why he started elementary school early. One of Turkey’s most prominent legal scholars, Izzet Özgenç, warned that you can’t apply today’s laws to a decades-old university transfer—but Erdoğan’s camp doesn’t care.
The prosecutor’s office has taken it a step further, sending a request to Istanbul University asking them to annul İmamoğlu’s diploma.
Why?
Because if his diploma is canceled, he cannot legally run for president. That’s why the courts are moving so quickly. There is no court ruling, no administrative decision—just sheer political panic.
Will Istanbul University Comply?
This puts Istanbul University in a tough position. Will they uphold the rule of law, or bend to political pressure?
The university’s president is a longtime friend of Erdoğan—so it is entirely possible that İmamoğlu’s diploma could be declared invalid.
A Multi-Pronged Attack
This isn’t the only legal case against İmamoğlu. Erdoğan’s government has lined up multiple lawsuits that could ban him from politics altogether.
If the diploma strategy doesn’t work, there are other cases ready to go. Erdoğan is surrounding İmamoğlu on all sides, hoping to find a way to knock him out of the race.
Is it better to block İmamoğlu completely or just weaken him politically? Either way, Erdoğan wants to wound his rival.
Could This Backfire?
This is not a fatal blow to İmamoğlu. In fact, it could boost his popularity.
The public can clearly see that these are desperate political maneuvers. Many will view this as an attempt to rig the election before it even begins.
Yes, İmamoğlu’s path to the presidency is full of legal landmines, but he still has the moral and political upper hand.
Erdoğan, meanwhile, is a shadow of his former self. Once a dynamic political force, he now relies on the brute force of state power.
One thing is already clear: The 2028 presidential election will be one of the most brutal in Turkey’s history.
And I still wonder—what kind of mindset leads someone to recreate the injustice they once suffered?
I’d love to hear what psychologists have to say about this.
