In Turkey, there has been mounting tension for the last 10-12 years. Seeing the economy falter, the people initially gave credit to the government. This period has expired, and the belief that “If anyone can fix this, it’s ErdoÄŸan!” has ended, and March 31 is a testament to this. The accumulated anger against the government has brought the CHP into local power.
We’re talking about a country that’s literally falling apart.
With 38%, becoming the leading party for the first time in 47 years, the CHP does not want an early election and argues that politics will normalize through negotiations with the government. The media sector is having trouble taking a stance, and the obvious changes in broadcasting policies are quickly noticed. As this becomes clearer, people first find it strange, then begin to distance themselves.
The attempts of a politician or a media member to reinterpret issues they previously criticized show that neither politics nor journalism can sustainably continue in their ideal forms.
CHP leader Özgür Özel talks a lot, emphasizing in each instance that “the process is sustainable,” and proceeds with this “proposition.” However, this narrative is insufficient for a society that is overwhelmed, tense, not having the strength even for four months, let alone four years, and feels crushed. The CHP leadership needs to see this.
In Turkey, the number one factor that neither the government nor the opposition should ever overlook is the people. Managing perceptions through the media only buys you ‘temporary’ time.
Last week, starting with Selahattin Demirtaş, HDP politicians were tried and convicted for their involvement in the resolution process carried out with the AKP. The AKP previously did the same to the Gülen Movement, with whom they formed a coalition from 2007 to 2012, manufacturing charges involving themselves and still ongoing trials.
Tayyip ErdoÄŸan, likely in the upcoming days, will tell Özgür Özel during a visit, “As we discussed, I’ve pardoned the generals of February 28. Osman Kavala is my red line in the Gezi trials, but maybe we can consider others. Don’t get into the Kurdish issue; no amnesty for them.”
This is the package, and it appears Özgür Özel will continue negotiations in this framework. Regarding the constitution, he carries the rhetoric, “First, comply with the existing one.” He could have been more decisive by saying, “I won’t discuss the constitution with you,” but he doesn’t.
Özgür Özel’s attendance at the large education rally in Saraçhane on Saturday, May 18, was weak.
Ekrem Ä°mamoÄŸlu is aware of the risks “double-headed leadership in the CHP” poses both internally and externally. Last week, he took a plane full of journalists to Rome for the signing ceremony of the European Olympic Games, which will be held in Istanbul in 2027, and on Sunday, he made a splash with the grand celebration of May 19, dusting off his potential presidential candidacy. Dilek Ä°mamoÄŸlu is no longer just a woman appearing in photos next to her husband; she is quite active on social networks and at events she attends.
The government, having flipped the resolution table in 2015 after the June 7 elections, demonized Kurdish politics. Except for a few, all those killed in the Kobani incidents were from the HDP and its surroundings. DemirtaÅŸ and other HDP members were tried for years as murderers of 37 people, according to official figures, but the court could not establish a connection to these crimes among the HDP members, and they were acquitted. DemirtaÅŸ received a 42-year sentence for his statements and tweets.
There is nothing left to understand about the regime; its policies and outcomes are clear. One need only look at the Kobani case decisions alone.
The ideological identity of the person elected as the president of the Supreme Court (Ömer Kerkez), fitting into all molds from the far left to the far right, is also important for those who wish to understand.
MHP is on pins and needles over the Sinan Ateş murder. Bahçeli desperately tried to link it to Pennsylvania, but even his own community did not support this.
The recent dismissals centered around “Ayhan Bora Kaplan” at the Ankara Police Headquarters are an outward manifestation of the internal struggle within the government.
This tear will not be easily mended; the lifespan of the regime is limited. The question is: which partner of the government will flip the table, and do they even want to? It is true that the AKP is tired of the MHP, but there is no short-term alternative in place. Bahçeli, caught off balance, will not pull his own plug but will cling tightly instead. The course will be determined by the CHP’s active or passive attitude.
