Those who follow my columns and YouTube broadcasts are familiar with my main thesis regarding the July 15, 2016, military coup attempt. Based on years of research, I assert that “July 15 was not a military coup attempt, nor, as claimed, a coup by the Gülen Movement. The event was an intelligence operation orchestrated by President Erdoğan, then-Director of the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Hakan Fidan, and Chief of General Staff Hulusi Akar, with operatives from Ergenekon involved in its execution.”
I am open to debating this thesis with anyone, anywhere.
For years, I have also emphasized that individuals who have direct knowledge of the events leading up to, during, and following July 15 must come forward and speak. As civilians, we can analyze these events externally, but the critical evidence, documentation, and eyewitness accounts belong to the military insiders. Without their testimonies, the puzzle will remain incomplete.
In recent years, some individuals have spoken out. Their accounts have poked significant holes in the regime’s official narrative. Recently, however, a new testimony I encountered has raised the bar further. This source, whose identity and rank I must keep confidential for now, witnessed Hulusi Akar’s every move and was present at the Akıncı Air Base Command Center—the alleged epicenter of the coup. They managed to flee abroad years later.
I discussed their story in detail in a broadcast linked below.
Key Observations from the Testimony
Before delving into the details, I should note how this source’s account aligns with what transpired that night and the testimony of Brigadier General Gökhan Şahin Sönmezateş.
To recap: Hulusi Akar was allegedly abducted by the coup plotters and transported from the General Staff headquarters to Akıncı Air Base. However, as clearly shown in surveillance footage, no actual abduction occurred. Instead, Akar boarded a helicopter under a high-level security protocol known as the “V formation.” At Akıncı, generals stood in formal greeting as he was received—hardly a scenario befitting a hostage.
Akar was neither detained nor mistreated. Instead, he was hosted in the Air Base Commander’s office. Throughout the night, he reportedly oversaw events while sipping coffee and snacking. The testimony aligns with Sönmezateş’s statement: “Hulusi Akar assigned me the task. We spoke multiple times that night. When I informed him we couldn’t locate Erdoğan, he instructed us to search Okluk (Erdoğan’s residence).”
Despite his usual harsh temperament, Akar’s response to reports of Erdoğan’s supposed escape to Germany was curiously subdued. Instead of questioning or reprimanding anyone, he remained silent, a behavior inconsistent with his alleged “hostage” status—unless he was merely adhering to the “grand plan.”
Contradictory Behaviors That Fit the “Script”
At one point, when a TV broadcast issue was resolved, Akar reportedly ordered, “Turn on the TV!” Upon seeing Erdoğan’s live FaceTime interview with journalist Hande Fırat, Akar lashed out at a general in the room, shouting twice, “What do you mean he escaped?!”
The inconsistencies are striking: a supposed hostage sitting comfortably in the commander’s office, issuing orders, and having access to phones and other resources. This raises the question: Was Akar genuinely complicit in a coup plan but changed sides at the last minute? Or was he playing a double role from the beginning?
The latter appears more plausible. Akar worked closely with Fidan and Erdoğan, preparing the military for the July 15 setup. Meanwhile, he deceived some subordinates into believing they were acting under legitimate orders. His actions guaranteed failure, ensuring the scenario played out as planned. As former Special Forces Commander Zekai Aksakallı stated, had proper emergency protocols been activated, the coup would have been thwarted before it began.
The Regime’s Strategy
The regime needed bloodshed—lots of it. Akar facilitated this by maintaining the appearance of leading the coup at General Staff headquarters and Akıncı Air Base. Even during his transition from Akıncı to Çankaya, Akar continued to play his role convincingly.
If Akar had genuinely attempted a coup but backed out, Erdoğan—known for his meticulous and power-centric leadership style—would not have rewarded him. Yet, Erdoğan shielded, promoted, and enriched Akar instead. This protection underscores that Akar was aligned with Erdoğan’s agenda from the outset.
Conclusion
Years later, a witness has come forward, willing to testify in a fair trial. However, such a trial is unlikely under the current regime, which was built upon the July 15 narrative. Without uncovering the truth behind July 15, achieving justice is impossible.
If Erdoğan and prosecutors fail to act on this testimony, it implies that Erdoğan and Akar collaborated in a fabricated coup plot, with Akar executing his assigned role. Should this come to light, the entire legal and historical narrative of July 15 will shift.
As an aside, South Korea recently experienced an unusual coup attempt. Had President Yoon Suk-yeol taken a page from Erdoğan’s playbook, events might have unfolded differently. For insights into how to orchestrate a “fake coup” and establish an authoritarian regime, check out the video linked below.
