Necip F. Bahadir
I am not prejudiced in any matter. My biases are almost non-existent. Especially in major events, I strive to remain neutral to uncover the truth. I approached the December 17-25 operations with an open mind, like a blank sheet of paper. I did not pre-judge anyone as guilty or innocent. I listened to all parties carefully.
I told my friends in the AKP, “Convince me, I am open-minded”: “Can you guarantee that the ministers in question did not commit corruption?” The answer was, “We absolutely cannot; they did!” So how could I take a stance against the operations? When there was no clear rebuttal, I got a response along the lines of “Was it the police’s job to conduct the operation?”
How can you say that? Isn’t it a crime for the police not to conduct an operation against a crime? Besides, why should I care about the police? If I had heard convincing arguments regarding December 17-25, my stance would have been different. Today, rest assured, 99% of the AKP, from the top to the bottom ranks, believe that the four ministers are not innocent. Including Erdoğan! If it were not the case, would he have removed those four ministers from office and distanced them from politics?
I made this introduction for July 15. My attitude was no different when I first heard about the coup attempt. I scrutinized every piece of news and listened carefully to every statement. Since the noise of July 15 drowned out other voices, the public was forced to receive information from a single perspective. I also struggled to hear different voices. It was all about the AKP’s theses… The country was flooded with numerous false psychological warfare and propaganda tactics. The public was prevented from hearing another voice.
Even asking questions was considered a crime. Journalists who pointed out the gaps in the case files and asked crucial questions ended up in prison. The loudness of a voice does not indicate its righteousness. It is important to elevate the word, not the noise. What is the significance of thunder if it does not rain? I am in pursuit of the truth. It is not my job to vindicate or vilify anyone. Therefore, I tried to learn and understand the truth, and only the truth, by staying neutral and in the middle.
The Parliamentary Investigation Committee’s report was not published. The AKP turned a deaf ear to all voices other than their own theses. However, they should have calmly responded. For the first time in Turkey, a Parliamentary Commission could not publish its investigation report. The commission, composed of AKP and opposition deputies, worked intensively for weeks and listened to many individuals involved in July 15. Some did not respond to the Parliament’s invitation. For example, then-Chief of General Staff Hulusi Akar did not attend; he sent a written statement instead, avoiding answering questions. Why?
Who can say that a coup attempt has been clarified when the Parliament’s report could not be published?
From the very first moment, my most crucial question regarding July 15 was: “If the coup had been successful, who would have governed Turkey on July 16?”
For instance, who would have been the Foreign Minister? I asked my AKP friends. I did not receive an answer. No coup sets out without planning the next day. Then-Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım once mentioned a notebook with names. I got hopeful and excited. But nothing came of it. What happened to that notebook?
Whether classic or postmodern, a coup that does not plan the next day cannot exist. Nor can a military coup that targets a bridge as its main objective. So, what is July 15?
Over 250 people lost their lives for what? Perhaps a scenario beyond the AKP is in question. Why couldn’t it be a conspiracy or scenario in which the AKP was merely a pawn? In such events, it is always said to look at the ‘big picture’. Because a narrow-focused small picture cannot explain the event. In the big picture, sometimes I think the AKP is also a victim. Because July 15 pushed Erdoğan and the AKP into such a position that it is impossible for them to escape the curse of history and fate.
The more you sink, the deeper you go! Which sane and conscientious person would willingly accept this? Is it worth it for a three-day rule? There is no way back from that dead-end road. Walking to and crashing into the wall is the only option. The more you sink, the deeper you go. You start fighting with yourself, with your own past. Like the current state of the AKP… The language may be singing cheerful songs, but lamentations and elegies rise from the unspoken language of the AKP. Would Erdoğan want to limit his entire reputation and dignity to his term in office?
Even today, I am sincerely trying to understand July 15. I am not closing my ears to the AKP’s theses; I am listening. Was it a real coup attempt or a theater or scenario? Who is a coup plotter, who is a democracy fighter? Did democracy survive on July 15? After suppressing the coup attempt, did Erdoğan establish a complete democracy? Is Turkey more democratic today than before July 15? Could a coup attempt be a ‘blessing from God’? Who can say these questions are meaningless and unnecessary?
I have been waiting for healthy and convincing answers from the AKP or its supporters for years. But in vain… Lots of noise…
I am not the only one asking these questions. Abdurrahman Dilipak, one of Erdoğan and the AKP’s mentors, made a statement on ‘July 15’ months ago. And he spoke in a language that AKP members would understand. In summary, he said: “AK Party members act as if they were unaware of the coup and suppressed it with the help of the public at the last moment. However, the government knew all the details of the coup four months in advance. The public took to the streets against the coup without knowing what was happening. In the end, it was this country that suffered. Unfortunately, most people do not care about the truth; everyone is busy blaming others. I thought let them act and we will catch them red-handed, but other strategies came into play, some were eliminated, and a counter-operation was conducted under the pretext of suppressing the coup.”
What if your so-called heroes turn out to be traitors! Trying to silence Dilipak will not eliminate these questions. I find the sentence ‘other strategies came into play’ very important. This is why I carry the suspicion of a scenario beyond the AKP. Why couldn’t July 15 be a trap for the AKP too? Will history speak well of Erdoğan or the AKP after July 15? Especially once they lose power, even AKP members will label and condemn Erdoğan as ‘the man who betrayed his cause’ without mercy.
Here is another voice from the AKP… Şamil Tayyar, who served as a member of parliament for years. He also has objections. Look at what he said: “I still think July 15 has not been clarified. I once said, if July 15 is truly clarified, you will see that those we call heroes today were actually involved in the coup, and perhaps some of those accused of being traitors today are actually the opposite. Because July 15 is still not fully clarified.”
For someone approaching without prejudice, July 15 is still dark, still a big question mark… Those who profit from July 15 and gain power and benefits are under suspicion. It falls first and foremost to Erdoğan and the AKP to clarify the darkness of July 15. Because the first and biggest loser of July 15 is Erdoğan…
